UNIFICATION OF ALL TERRITORIES WHERE ALBANIANS LIVE IN THE BALKANS HAS BEEN AND WILL REMAIN THE MOST SERIOUS THREAT TO REGIONAL STABILITY AND EU INTEGRATION

We present two comprehensive articles by Carl K. Savich who explains that the century old goals of ethnic Albanian extremists become reality due to serious failures of international community to identify the true causes of the South Balkan crisis

1. GREATER ALBANIA: EXPLAINED
2. GREATER ALBANIA IDEOLOGY AND THE MACEDONIAN CONFLICT

KLA (Kosovo Liberation Army)

SS Skenderbey Division
precursors of today's KLA terrorists in Kosovo and Macedonia




Greater Albania: Explained

by Carl K. Savich

Introduction

The so-called Albanian National Liberation Army (NLA), made up of veterans of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA or UCK, Ushtria Clirimtare e Kosoves in Albanian)), in February, 2001, began an infiltration and invasion of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), seeking to seize and occupy territory. The so-called Liberation Army of Presevo, Medvedja, and Bujanovac (LAPMB, or UCPMB) has been waging a year-long war in the so-called Security or Buffer Zone in Southern Serbia, occupying villages and territory and killing Yugoslav policemen and soldiers. In Kosovo, under NATO/UN occupation and "administration", the Albanians, who now control the Serbian province, have ethnically cleansed over 230,000 Kosovo Serbs and other non-Albanians, such as Roma, Slavic Muslims, Turks, Jews, creating an ethnically pure and homogenous region. During the NATO/UN occupation, Albanians destroyed over 100 Serbian Orthodox churches, shrines, and cemeteries. The NLA, driven from the Tanusevci area of northern Macedonia, moved to the Tetovo (Tetova in Albanian) area in the northwestern Sar Planina region and Polog Valley and attacked the city as NATO and the UN did nothing, being neutral observers as the NLA violated the sovereignty of Macedonia and crossed into the UN-recognized borders of FYROM as if they did not exist at all. So-called Western political analysts have concluded that the political goal and objective of the Albanians is the creation of a Greater Albania or what is the same thing, a "Greater Kosovo" or Greater Kosova. What is the origin and history of the Albanian objective to create a Greater Albania? The Albanian drive to create an ethnically pure and homogenous Greater Albania is not new, but is an ongoing process that emerged in 1878 with the League of Prizren in Kosovo. The aim and objective to create a Greater Albania has continued and evolved for over a hundred years, a century-long territorial and political aim and goal.


1878 League of Prizren

After the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78, Albanian nationalist leaders convened a meeting on June 10, 1878 in Prizren in Kosovo, attended by 300 delegates, mostly from Kosovo and Western Macedonia, and Muslim leaders from Bosnia-Hercegovina and the Sandzak. They founded the Albanian League of Prizren, "the League for defending the rights of the Albanian people", the Prizren League, which had as its main goal and purpose "to organize political and military opposition to the dismemberment of Albanian-inhabited territory." The so-called League met in a Prizren mosque where a 60-member board headed by Abdul Bey Frasheri drafted a memorandum, which was submitted to the leaders convened at the Congress of Berlin. The Prizren League sought to unite the vilayets or provinces of the Ottoman Empire of Janina or Janjevo centered in Northern Greece, the Chameria region, Bitola or Bitolj (Monastir) centered in Macedonia, the Illirida region, Skutari or Shkoder centered near Montenegro, and Kosovo, Kosovo-Metohija, into a single administrative and political unit, a territory which united all the Albanian-inhabited regions of the Balkans into a Greater Albania. The Prizren League was crucial in uniting Albanian leaders in creating and establishing a political and nationalist ideology and political program and agenda to create an Albanian nation or state. Historically, there had never been an Albanian nation or state. Medieval attempts to forge a unified Albanian nation or state under Gjergj Kastrioti, Skanderbeg, had failed. The emergence of an Albanian nationalist ideology was in reaction to the nationalist independence and liberation movements of Orthodox Serbians, Greeks, Bulgarians, and Balkan Orthodox Slavs. The emergence of a nationalist ideology of Greater Albania was precipitated by the defeat of the Ottoman Turks in 1878, a defeat which endangered the Albanian position in the Ottoman Empire. The Orthodox Slavs, the rayah or subhumans, the second-class citizens, were gaining independence from the Ottoman occupation. In the Ottoman Empire, status and position had been achieved through religion and not through nationality. By converting to Islam, one could gain increased property rights and a higher and social position and gain dominance over the subhuman rayah, Orthodox Slav Christians. In 1877, British archeologist Sir Arthur Evans as an eyewitness personally observed how the subhuman rayah were treated in Bosnia: "They treated them like a herd of cattle". After 1878, nationality and nationalism became more dominant in the Ottoman Empire as ethnicity and nationality became decisive factors in unification. The Albanian population was made up of Roman Catholics, two sects of Islam, Sunni and Bektashi, and Orthodox Christians. Religion, Islam, could not be the sole unifying force. A nationalist ideology was required. The 1878 League of Prizren is significant because the Albanians now emerged with a nationalist agenda and ideology to create a united Albanian state.


The 1875 Insurrection or Revolution in Bosnia-Hercegovina by the Orthodox Serbian populations and the subsequent Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78 created turmoil and upheavals in the Balkans. The Russian military forces defeated the Ottoman Turkish troops in the Balkans, endangering Albanian dominance in the region. Ethnic Albanians, Turks, and Cherkezes retaliated against the Serbian Orthodox populations in Kosovo-Metohija and the surrounding regions. Approximately 200,000 Orthodox Serbian refugees fled into Serbia to escape the massacres and terror. Following the 1878 Treaty of San Stefano, Albanian leaders from Pec, Djakovica, Gusinje, Ljuma, and from Debar and Tetovo in present-day Macedonia, convened a meeting wherein they discussed their positions and sought to establish a common strategy. Italy sponsored the Italian-Albanian Committee to promote Albanian national aspirations and to gain influence in the Balkans. In 1877 in Istanbul (Constantinople), Turkey sponsored the Central Committee for Defending Albanian Rights, which was established seeking the creation of an autonomous Albanian vilayet or province within the Ottoman Empire made up of the Janjevo, Scutari, Kosovo, and Bitolj or Bitola in southern Macedonia, and the Salonika vilayets. The Committee, made up of Zija Prishtina, Sami Frasheri, Jani Vreto, Pashko Vaso, and Abdul Bey Frasheri, sought to maintain the status quo in the Ottoman Empire.
The Prizren League outlined territories that were to be included in a unified, ethnic Albania, a Greater Albania. The Greater Albania envisioned by the League would consist of the following territories: 1) north and central Albania made up of the Scutari, Tirana, and Elbasan regions, including territory from southern Montenegro; 2) western Macedonia made up of the Tetotvo (Tetova in Albanian), Debar, Skopje (Shkupi in Albanian, Uskup or Uskub in Turkish), Gostivar, Ohrid, Bitolj or Bitola, Veles, Prilep regions, or "Illirida" in the Greater Albania lexicon; 3) southern Albania made up of the Epirus and Janina regions of northern Greece, or "Chameria" ; and, 4) the Kosovo-Metohija and Rashka region that was part of Stara Srbija (Ancient Serbia), made up of the Prizren, Pristina, Kosovska Mitrovica, Gnjilane, Pec, Djakovica, Presevo, Sjenica, Novi Pazar, and Kumanovo regions, "Kosova" or "Greater Kosovo". During the period 1876 to 1912, the approximately 150,000 Orthodox Serbs were ethnically cleansed or driven out of the Kosovo vilayet. During this period, Serbian Orthodox were murdered, their property was plundered, Orthodox churches and monasteries and cemeteries were desecrated and vandalized, Serbian women and girls were raped and kidnapped, and Serbian property was looted and robbed, a systematic and planned policy to create an ethnically pure Greater Albania. The members of the Prizren League were beys and agas, wealthy and privileged landowners who sought to maintain those privileges and status within the Ottoman feudal system. They opposed a multi-ethnic policy of ethnic tolerance and were anti-Serbian and anti-Slavic, anti-reformist, and anti-democratic. Many of the "Albanian lands" they claimed for "Greater Albania" or "Ethnic Albania" had never been a part of Albania and many parts of the territory were not majority Albanian areas. Indeed, before 1912, Albania or Shqiperia, had never existed as a nation or state. Albanians, or Shqiptars, themselves were divided into the Ghegs and the Tosks who did not speak an identical language, but different dialects of Shqip.

The Albanian beys and agas did not want to lose their privileges and properties, which a change in the status quo would entail.

In the Kararname, or The Book of Decisions, the statute of the League of Prizren, these Albanian leaders sought to preserve and maintain the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans by supporting the Turkish Sultan, Islamic law as established in the Shariah or Sheriat, and "to struggle in arms to defend the wholeness of the territories" as enunciated in Article 1. In Article 6, the League opposed any territorial changes of Serbia and Bulgaria: "We should not allow foreign armies to tread our land. We should not recognize Bulgaria's name. If Serbia does not leave peacefully the illegally occupied countries, we should send bashibazouks (akindjias) and strive until the end to liberate these regions, including Montenegro." From the four vilayets of Kosovo, Scutari, Janjevo, and Bitola or Bitolj, they requested the formation of a united Albanian vilayet.

The pro-Ottoman Empire, pro-Islamic, pro-Turkish orientation of the Prizren League garnered support within the Ottoman Empire. According to a report by the Italian consul in Scutari, the Turkish political and military leaders supported and sponsored the formation of the League, paid for the transportation of the Albanian delegates to Prizren, and supplied them with weapons, ammunition, and supplies. An Austro-Hungarian diplomatic officer stated that the Turkish leaders "armed the local Muslim Albanians with excellent guns, provided them with ammunition and granted authority upon their leaders." He warned that the Turkish authorities "would no longer be able to induce the people to lay down their arms, and the consequences soon to arise will be situations on which the Porte will have to count." Turkey thus supported the Prizren League because such support advanced Turkish interests in the Balkans. The Albanian leaders supported Turkey because Turkey advanced the interests and aims of Albanians, of advancing the goal of a Greater Albania. But at the Congress of Berlin, Turkey was not able to promote a Greater Albania and Albanian interests. The Albanian leaders then turned on the Ottoman Turks and demanded complete autonomy. The Prizren League had 16,000 armed insurgents under its control who launched an insurgency against the Ottoman Empire. The Albanian insurgents were able to kill Mehmed Ali Pasha, the Turkish emissary, in Djakovica in August, 1878. The League took over control from the Turks in the Kosovo-Metohija towns of Vucitrn, Pec, Kosovska Mitrovica, Prizren, and Djakovica. Guided by the autonomous movement, the League rejected Turkish authority and sought complete secession from Turkey. Turkish commander Dervish Pasha re-occupied the areas seized by the Albanian insurgents and destroyed the League, arresting its leaders.

The Greater Albania political and nationalist ideology and aim would be revived in the Pec League of 1899. Moreover, the Greater Albania ideology would be taken up and advocated and sponsored by Austria-Hungary and Italy as a bulwark against Orthodox and Slavic influence in the Balkans. Like the Ottoman Empire before them, Austria-Hungary and Italy, and later Germany and the United States, would sponsor a Greater Albania to advance their expansionist and strategic geopolitical interests in the Balkans. Essential in the ideology of Greater Albania is the support of a iGreat Poweri or a Superpower to achieve the aims. Why is foreign intervention and sponsorship vital? The aims of the Greater Albania ideology are territorial expansion at the expense of neighboring sovereign nations and states. Greater Albania is not a movement of national independence, in other words, but a shifting of borders. Albanians have a national homeland or national state, Albania or Shqiperia, established in 1912. What the Greater Albania strategy seeks to do, however, is to change internationally recognized and thus legal borders. Ipso facto the Greater Albania strategy is illegal and violates all international laws, agreements, and covenants. The Greater Albania ideology is, then, illegal, militant, aggressive, and, most significantly, requires outside foreign intervention to succeed, requires the intervention of a Great Power or Superpower, Ottoman Turkey, Austria-Hungary, Italy, Germany, or the United States. All of the above-mentioned foreign powers have in turn supported and sponsored a Greater Albania. The pattern, and the lesson for us, is clear. Foreign military and political intervention is crucial in the Greater Albania ideology. The 1878 Prizren League grasped this completely. Their expansionist and nationalist agenda required Turkish support. Without that support, Greater Albania would fail.

A second required element in the Greater Albania strategy is to create racial or ethnic polarization, to create ethnic and racial hatred and enmity, to create an iusi versus ithemi dichotomy based on race or ethnicity. The Kosovo conflict becomes one between the Albanian population and the non-Albanian populations, the Serbian Orthodox population, but also, Roma, Slavic Muslims, and Turks, ethnic/racial polarization or polarity results, needed to maintain enmity and conflict. In short, policies, political measures, political, social, or economic issues do not figure in this equation, they are secondary if not negligible and irrelevant. What motives the Greater Albania strategy is solely ethnicity, it is an ethnic conflict, not a political or economic or social conflict. The Greater Albania strategists demand an ethnically homogenous Albanian state. This is the only aim or goal or objective. The policy is very simple. But to achieve it, non-Albanian populations must be targeted to achieve enmity and to provide a justification or rationale for establishing an iAlbanian statei. A multi-ethnic and pluralistic approach is anathema. Ethnic diversity and tolerance are unacceptable. This is why over 100 Serbian Orthodox churches have been demolished and destroyed as part of the Greater Albania strategy. This is why 230,000 Kosovo Serbs were driven out since the NATO occupation or iUN-rulei. Multi-ethnicity and plurality defeat the purpose of the Greater Albania strategy, which is to create an ethnically homogenous, ethnically pure Albanian state or statelet. Co-existence with other ethnic groups and populations is not possible. Thus, non-Albanian ethnic groups are targeted for elimination, expulsion, or eradication. They are rationalized as irevenge killingsi or iretaliatory killingsi. But they achieve the ultimate aims of the Greater Albania strategy, to create an ethnically cleansed Greater Albania.

A third salient feature of the Greater Albania policy is to establish ethnic homogeneity or ethnically pure territories. Ethnic homogeneity is required to establish a justification or rationalization for the territorial aggrandizement, for the change in borders to enlarge Albania. A third crucial element of the Greater Albania policy, then, is to target the original or indigenous population for expulsion and eradication. The policy of ethnic cleansing or the expulsion of the indigenous inhabitants of a region is a necessary component of the strategy. The British journalist and historian Nora Beloff visited Kosovo in 1980 while doing research for her book Titois Flawed Legacy. She wrote that she ivisited demolished churches, desecrated cemeteries, and the Kosovo villages ecleansedi of Serbs.i She stated that ethnic cleansing in theory and practice was endemic in Kosovo, where hundreds of thousands of Orthodox Serbs were forced to flee when the province was under Albanian control: iIndeed, it was in Kosovo in 1980, while writing my book, that for the first time since the Nazi era, I heard that epithet.i Beloff concluded that Albanian policy was motivated by a systematic plan to drive out the Serbian Orthodox population through ethnic cleansing and that the Albanians had inot the faintest interest in human rights.i The Greater Albania strategy thus targets a population for elimination through expulsions, i.e., ethnic cleansing. But how are Albanian leaders able to camouflage and mask the real objectives behind the strategy?

The fourth requirement is propaganda or information, infowar. This is where propaganda is all-important. The Great Powers and Superpowers have vast information or propaganda machines and media which they control and manipulate. No dissent or rational analysis can withstand this propaganda or information or infowar barrage. A fourth essential ingredient of the Greater Albania strategy then is propaganda or information warfare. Because, as we have seen, the Greater Albania policy is inherently illegal and violates all international laws, customs, and covenants, a propaganda justification must be created for the policy to continue and evolve. In short, propaganda is essential. Propaganda or information technology, the US-coined euphemism, falsifies and mischaracterizes the factual scenario. Information technology alters the conflict from an illegal land grab and change of borders into a conflict over the issue of human and civil rights and humanitarian concerns. In Macedonia, for instance, the ethnic Albanian minority has been given their own Albanian-language university in Tetovo, they can freely use their own language, guaranteed in the Macedonian Constitution, like in Quebec, Canada, where there is a dual language, and they are democratically and demographically represented in local political bodies and in the federal Macedonian government. Where are the human rights abuses and irepressioni and ioppressioni the US information technology and information technologists clamor about? There are none. The issue has been reduced to meaninglessness or absurdity, a reductio ad absurdum. In the recent attack on Tetovo by Albanian guerrillas, veterans of the KLA, US media reports presented conflicting, ambiguous, and contradictory rationales for the attack. The Albanian guerrillas were attacking to achieve a iGreater Kosovoi, to enlarge the territory of Kosovo, to achieve a iGreater Albaniai, to unite all areas inhabited by Albanians into a single state, to igain greater poweri, to igain greater rightsi, to iseize the city of Tetovoi. The information technologist has yet to devise a common rationale and so we get contradictory rationales. But the pattern is clear: The ethnic Albanian iinsurgencyi is motivated by a concern for human rights and greater freedom. This is the propaganda rationale ultimately. For the Greater Albania policy to succeed, a propaganda justification or rationale must be accepted to overcome its inherent illegality. For example, the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999, an illegal act according to all international laws, guidelines, agreements, and covenants, was justified because it would iprevent a genocidei, a genocide that subsequently was found not to have occurred. But the point is clear: The Greater Albania strategy requires a propaganda/ information technology rationale to overcome the inherent illegality.

A fifth crucial element of the Greater Albania strategy is the use of military force, of aggressive, physical, armed conflict. In the conflicts in Kosovo-Metohija, Southern Serbia, and Macedonia, a guerrilla insurgency was required; an armed military force was needed. In Kosovo, the Kosovo Liberation Army emerged, in Southern Serbia, the Liberation Army of Presevo, Medvedja, and Bujanovac, and in Macedonia, the National Liberation Army, all relying on a common KLA core. These troops have been armed, trained, supplied, and sponsored by a foreign interventionist state, the United States. The Pentagon, the CIA, and MPRI, Inc., Military Professional Resources, Incorporated, have armed, trained, and supplied the Greater Albania insurgents and guerrillas. MPRI is a private firm of 2,000 retired generals and admirals, former Pentagon and NATO generals and personnel with close links to the US government, based in Alexandria, Virginia. They provide military training for fledgling democracies and armed insurgencies. Armed conflict is required for several reasons: 1) to create an imperative for intervention by creating a ihumanitarian catastrophe or disasteri, by creating a conflict that an foreign intervention can resolve; 2) to put pressure on the government being attacked to negotiate with the Greater Albania irebelsi or iinsurgentsi; 3) to establish control and occupation of the terrain by the insurgents; 4) to overcome the illegality of a border change, to create a war that masks this illegality; to iinternationalizei the conflict 5) to drive out the indigenous population; and, 6) to give the foreign interventionist power a surrogate physical and military presence in the region. In short, then, because the Greater Albania strategy is illegal under international law, its objectives cannot be achieved legally. Thus, a physical, military conflict is necessary, or a war.

The Greater Albania ideology emerged and crystallized with the 1878 League of Prizren. This policy has continued for over a century. The Greater Albania strategy seeks to annex and gain control of territories inhabited by ethnic Albanians even in areas where Albanians are a minority. These iAlbanian landsi, the Serbian province of Kosovo-Metohija, the Southern Serbia region made up of the Medvedja, Presevo, and Bujanovac areas, southern Montenegro, northern Greece made up of the Janina area, Chameria in the Greater Albania lexicon, and, western Macedonia, Illirida in the Greater Albania nomenclature.

There are five essential requirements or elements in the Greater Albania ideology and policy: 1) there must be foreign intervention and sponsorship, a Great Power or a Superpower must intervene; 2) an ethnic group(s) or population(s) must be targeted as the ienemyi, as the people who irepress/oppressi the Albanian ivictimsi, in Kosovo, the targets were the Serbian Orthodox, Roma, Slavic Muslims, Turks, and Jews, in southern Montenegro, it is Montenegrins, in Macedonia, it is Orthodox Macedonian Slavs; 3) ethnic homogeneity and the establishment of ethnically pure regions is essential: 4) to overcome the illegality of the Greater Albania strategy which consists of violating the sovereignty of a neighboring state, propaganda or information technology is needed, such as the media of the free world or of the West; and, finally 5) an armed military conflict or insurgency is needed. The Greater Albania ideology and policy has not changed since it was established in 1878. The Greater Albania strategy is guided by the same aims and strategies.


fighting for Greater Albanian goals - KLA in Kosovo




The Greater Albania Ideology and the Macedonian Conflict

by Carl K. Savich


Introduction

The Greater Albania ideology and strategy has guided Albanian political aims in the Balkans for over a century. The strategy is anti-Slavic, anti-Orthodox, targeting the Serbian, Macedonian, and Greek populations. What unites Greater Albania nationalists is a focus on ethnic conflict and territorial aggrandizement or annexation of Serbian, Macedonian, and Greek territory. To achieve the Greater Albania objectives requires ethnic conflict. What is the origin of the Greater Albania movement?

The Macedonian conflict began when NATO-armed and NATO-trained KLA veterans illegally crossed the international border between the FYROM and the Yugoslav province of Kosovo, under NATO occupation, in January-February, 2001. NATO failed to interdict these KLA/NLA incursions and infiltrations from NATO-run Kosovo. NATO collusion with the KLA/NLA in their illegal incursions ignited the Macedonian conflict. But how is that conflict to be comprehended and understood?

The Macedonian conflict presents an epistemological issue, an issue of how we comprehend information and how we process knowledge. Governments and media dictate and determine how we comprehend and understand and perceive an issue. Governments and media presented essentially two opposing and contradictory explanations for the Macedonian conflict:

1) AlbanianYYiinsurgentsi were rebelling against idiscriminationi and for igreater rightsi, iequal rightsi; or, 2) Albanian iterroristsi were seeking to create by force and intimidation a Greater Kosovo or Greater Albania. In all, four contradictory explanations of the KLA/NLA iterroristi war or indigenous iinsurgencyi emerged: 1) the KLA/NLA terrorists/insurgents were fighting to obtain igreater rightsi for the Albanian minority in FYROM; 2) the KLA/NLA sought to enlarge the borders of NATO-run Kosovo, creating a Greater Kosovo; 3) the KLA/NLA sought to expand its drug smuggling, prostitution, and human slave trade operations in FYROM; and, 4) the KLA/NLA seeks to gain iindependencei and ifreedomi for all Albanian inhabited regions, creating a Greater Albania or Ethnic Albania. How is one to determine which one of the explanations is correct? Why are governments and the media presenting four contradictory explanations? Is this the typical pattern of government/media reporting? By comparison, the ETA (Euskadi ta Azkatasona, Freedom for the Basque Country), the Basque insurgents fighting for greater rights and equal rights in NATO-member Spain who are the majority in the Basque region, are referred to by the Western media as iterroristsi who seek iindependencei from Spain. The ETA goals, objectives, and strategies are identical to those of the NLA/KLA/NLAPMB, secession/separatism/independence through terrorist methods, i.e., killing government officials, police, and soldiers of the respective governments concerned, Spain and Macedonia. But the Western governments/media apply a different approach to the ETA than they do to the NLA. The British news network ITN maintained that the ETA iterroristsi were seeking iindependencei from Spain. But ITN applies a different nomenclature and terminology to the NLA. What criteria does the media use when it describes one group as insurgents and another as terrorists?YYHow can we find out if the conflict is one concerning igreater rightsi or one concerning iGreater Albaniai?

The Federalization/Partition/Autonomy Plan

What is it that the KLA/NLA terrorists/insurgents/rebels demand? The key demand of the KLA/NLA is a change in the constitution of Macedonia to create a federal state, the so-called federalization or federalisation/partition/autonomy plan. In essence, the objective is to partition Macedonia into two separate states, a Slav state, and an Albanian state. This is what all the shooting and shouting is about. This is precisely what the globalist media seeks to conceal. The propaganda/infowar/information technology seeks to camouflage this fact.YYThe KLA/NLA have invaded Macedonia from NATO-run Kosovo and through force and intimidation are demanding the establishment of their own Albanian state. This is why there are four contradictory explanations of the Macedonian conflict, unlike the Basque-Spanish conflict, or Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The media reports on the NLA (National Liberation Army) differently than it does on the ETA (Freedom for the Basque Country) and the PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization). The hidden persuader and hidden manipulator do not want the actual objectives and goals of the Albanian iinsurgencyi revealed.
What is federalization? Under federalization, the Albanian minority would gain iautonomyi or iself-rulei in Western Macedonia or Illirida or Ilirida, much like they achieved in Kosovo. Illirida or Western Macedonia would become a Kosovo-style Albanian majority federal unit of Macedonia, based on ethnicity, creating an essentially ethnically homogenous and ethnically pure region based on the Kosovo/Kosova model or blueprint, creating a South African-type of apartheid nation divided between Macedonian Orthodox Slavs and ethnic Albanian Muslims. Such a plan is the first step in secession and separatism, again, based on the Kosovo paradigm. The Albanian populated regions would obtain de facto independence and secession based on the Kosovo model.

The federalization plan would result in the disintegration and dismemberment of Macedonia. So much the better for the Greater Albania ideology, which opposes a unified Slav state ruled by untermenschen rayah, ruled by subhuman Slav kaurin and rayah. This was the Albanian/Turkish view of the kaurin Slavs during the Muslim Ottoman Empire. In an April 15 Reuters news report, iMacedonian President Rules Out Federal Statei, Kole Casule quoted Macedonian President Boris Trajkovski as stating that the KLA/NLA demand for federalization iwas unacceptablei. Trajkovski stated: iThe last 10 years have shown that calls for federalisation merely disguise aspirations for an ethnically clean state.i Marko Bello, the defense minister of Albania, argued that the NLA/KLA insurgency was motivated by Albanian desires ito enjoy some elementary democratic rights.i Reuters explained the NLA/KLA goal as seeking greater language and cultural rightsi. Casule stated that: iThe rebels say they are fighting for better rights for Macedoniais Albanians.i Casule also quoted the rhetorical, but factually false, assertion that ethnic Albanians are ia third of the populationi, even though the 1991 official Macedonian census and the 1994 EU iinternational communityi census and the CIA World Factbook census figure is never higher than 22.7%. The Albanian population is less than a quarter of the population of Macedonia. But how does less than a quarter of the total population become ia third of the populationi to imore than a thirdi of the population to i40% of the populationi? Isnit the media of the West capable of ascertaining accurate population figures? The hidden manipulator and hidden persuader has left fingerprints? We can adduce a modus operandi or MO. Why isnit the Western media relying on objective data, in short, on facts, such as a census? Why are they maintaining a population figure that has no basis in objective reality or the facts but is based on Greater Albania propaganda and the Greater Albania ideology? What is the historical evolution of the Greater Albania ideology and what are its goals and objectives?

The First League of Prizren, 1878

In 1877, the Central Committee for Defending Albanian Rights made up of Albanian political leaders in Istanbul, proposed a plan for achieving autonomy for Albanian-inhabited areas of the Balkans within the framework of the Ottoman Empire. The autonomy plan of the Committee was published in the Tercuman i Sark newspaper envisioning the creation of a unified Albanian vilayet consisting of the Kosovo vilayet, present-day Kosovo-Metohija, the Janjina vilayet, present-day northern Greece, the Bitolj or Bitola vilayet, present-day FYROM or Macedonia, and the Scutari vilayet, present-day Albania and southern Montenegro. Some Albanians even planned to include the Salonika vilayet, present-day Greece, in the proposed unified Albanian vilayet. From present-day Greece, the Epirus and Yiannitsa regions would be annexed to a Greater Albania. From present-day Macedonia, Tetovo, the "capital city of Greater Albania in Macedonia", Debar, Gostivar, Skopje, where Albanians are a minority, Prilep, Veles, Kumanovo, Bitola, and Ohrid, would be annexed. From present-day Serbia, Prizren, Pec, Djakovica, Gniljane, Novi Pazar, Presevo, Medvedja, Bujanovac, Pec, Kosovska Mitrovica would be annexed. Territory from southern Montenegro would be annexed. In the present-day Greater Albania strategy, the capital city of Montenegro, Podgorica and the outlying area would be annexed, even though Albanians are a minority in the city. This is the origin and genesis of the Greater Albania strategy and ideology that has guided Albanian political aims for over a century.

The Greater Albania Ideology

Ever since the re-formulation and adoption of the Greater Albania ideology and strategy in 1878 by the Albanian League of Prizren, the Albanian strategy to establish a Greater Albania has never waned, evolving and developing for over a hundred years. The 1878 Prizren League was motivated by a primary goal, the establishment of a unified, ethnic Albanian state which would be made up of four Ottoman Turkish vilayets, provinces or administrative districts. These four vilayets were Kosovo, Scutari, Bitolj or Bitola or Monastir, and Janina, Janjevo or Yiannitsa. The population of these four vilayets consisted of the following: 44% were ethnic Albanians, 19.2 % were Macedonian Slavs, 11.4 % were Serbs, 9.2 % were Greeks, 6.5 % were Walachs, 9.3% were Ottoman Turks, and 0.4 % were Armenians, Roma, and Jews. The ethnic Albanians were not a majority in the proposed united Albanian state they sought to establish. Uskub or Uskup, Shkupi in Albanian, present-day Skopje or Skoplje, was included in the united Albanian vilayet although ethnic Albanians were a small minority in the city. The Stara Srbija (Ancient Serbia) region consisting of Rashka, Kosovo-Metohija, and northern Macedonia, was included in the Albanian vilayet although Albanians were a minority in this historically and traditionally Serbian Orthodox region. The Greater Albania strategy and ideology thus inherently involved the aggrandizement of territory not settled by Albanians, the dispossession of foreign land. It was a zero sum strategy that did not allow for compromise. The policy was aimed principally at the Slavic populations of the southern Balkan Peninsula, the Serbian Orthodox populations and the Macedonian Slav populations. The policy was inherently anti-Orthodox, anti-Slavic, anti-Serbian, and anti-Macedonian. Inevitably and inherently, ethnic and political conflict with the Serbian Orthodox and Macedonian Orthodox populations resulted.

The Albanian leaders devised the Greater Albania strategy in response or reaction to the turmoil following the Bosnian Insurrection of 1875 by the Serbian Orthodox population of Hercegovina, a revolt against economic exploitation, political repression, and human rights violations by the Islamic Ottoman rulers. In 1875, the Serbian population of Hercegovina faced famine conditions. Serbia and Montenegro supported the Bosnian Insurrection by declaring war against Turkey. In 1877, Russia entered the conflict by declaring war against Turkey. In the 1877-78 Russo-Turkish War, Turkey was defeated. The Treaty of San Stefano and the Treaty of Berlin would establish independence for Serbia and Bulgaria. The Albanians had fought on the losing side, the Muslim Ottoman Empire. They feared that the Slavic Orthodox Christian states would benefit from the border changes while Albanian interests would suffer. Many of the Albanian delegates to the Prizren League were wealthy Albanian beys or begs and agas, who owned large land tracts. Moreover, because Albanians were allied with the Muslim Turks and had converted to Islam, Albanians held privileged positions. The Orthodox Slavs, on the other hand, were "treated like a herd of cattle", were second-class citizens, were subhuman rayah, the kaurin, the infidel, non-Muslim rayah.

Under Turkish rule, the Albanians were able to drive out and expel large Serbian Orthodox populations and to settle their lands. Albanian settlers and colonists had settled Serbia proper, settling Serbian towns such as Toplica, Vranje, Leskovac, and Pomoravlje, the Nis sandzak. Following the defeat of the Turkish forces, the Turkish army and the Albanian troops and irregulars within it, the bashibazouks, had to retreat. Approximately 30,000 ethnic Albanian settlers in these Serbian cities were forced to flee with the Turkish army. The Albanian refugees, muhadjirs, settled in Kosovo-Metohija, retaliating against the Serbian Orthodox population of Kosovo, seizing their property. The Albanian leaders thus sought to preserve their status and privileges attained in the Ottoman Empire. They were reactionary, anti-democratic, anti-pluralist, and opposed a multi-ethnic state. With the defeat of the Ottoman troops, Albanians feared that their status, privileges, and land would be lost, all that they had achieved under Turkish occupation, such as the expulsions of indigenous Orthodox populations, the colonization and settlement of Orthodox lands, the acquisition of vast property holdings, and a privileged political, social, and economic status in the Ottoman Empire could not be preserved. They saw the struggle as inherently an ethnic struggle with the Slavic populations, as a zero sum game. This is the historical backdrop for the emergence of the Greater Albania strategy.

The Greater Albania strategy requires an outside foreign power to sponsor or intervene to support the movement because the Albanian population is a minority in the Greater Albania territory, which would entail a war to achieve. The Albanian leaders of the Prizren League relied on Turkey to achieve their strategy. But Turkey was not able to achieve Greater Albania. The Albanians demanded complete autonomy from Turkey and seized the Kosovo towns of Pec, Kosovska Mitrovica, Prizren, and Djakovica. The Albanians refused to pay taxes and opposed recruitment into the Turkish armed forces. The Turkish leaders were forced to re-occupy these regions. The Turks arrested the political leaders of the League of Prizren and deported them. The League of Prizren was thus destroyed by the Turkish government. But many of the primary premises and objectives of the Greater Albania ideology survived. Ethnic homogeneity or the creation of ethnically pure Albanian areas was always a primary tenet and strategy of the Greater Albania strategy. The goal was to create a unified, ethnic Albanian state, so-called Ethnic Albania. By its very definition, Ethnic Albania was an Albanian populated state. There were no guidelines for the creation of a multi-ethnic or pluralistic state. The basis for the establishment of a unified Greater Albania was ethnicity. This entailed waging an ethnic conflict or war against the non-Albanian populations. The Serbian Orthodox and Macedonian Orthodox populations of the Kosovo and Bitola vilayets were targeted for attack and elimination and displacement.

The Prizren League formulated an anti-Slavic, anti-Orthodox platform that targeted the Serbian and Macedonian and Greek populations. A French diplomat reported that 112 Orthodox Serbs were killed by Albanians in June, 1878 and Serbian houses were burned. Nine Serbian women from Gnilanje were kidnapped and subsequently tortured. In Pec, the Serbian population alleged that over 100 Serbs were murdered. The Russian Consul reported that three Albanians raped a thirteen-year old girl from Dobrotin. He wrote that the ithe Serbs dare not complain to the authorities." He quoted an Albanian leader who informed him: "We will attack the Montenegrins on Christmas and kill them. And if we fail---we will return to Pec and the vicinity and burn and saber all the Christians." With the emergence of the Greater Albania doctrine following the Prizren League, a planned, organized, and systematic policy and program resulted that targeted the Serbian Orthodox, the Macedonian Orthodox, and the Greek Orthodox populations. From 1876 to 1912, over 150,000 Serbian Orthodox refugees fled the Kosovo vilayet, driven out by Albanians seeking to create an ethnic Albanian region and to thereby establish Albanian control over the area. The Serbian Orthodox and Macedonian Orthodox populations were perceived under the Greater Albania ideology as "the enemy", as "them", as an alien population that threatened the existence of the Albanian population. A consensual paranoia resulted that led to an ethnic polarization, a dichotomy between Orthodox Serbians and Orthodox Macedonians and Albanians, in its extreme form, a dichotomy between Albanians and all non-Albanians, a dichotomy between "us" and "them", the psychological basis for ethnic enmity and conflict. Throughout the twentieth century, the Greater Albania strategy was guided by this ethnic polarization of the conflict, by a perception of the conflict as one between different ethnic groups, i.e., the conflict is defined only as an ethnic conflict. This is why political, social, economic, and even religious factors do not play a fundamental role in the Greater Albania doctrine. What unites Greater Albania nationalists is a focus on ethnic conflict, on ethnic polarization. In other words, ethnicity defines the Greater Albania strategy. This explains why the Greater Albania strategy has endured and thrived whether under Islamic (Turkey) or Roman Catholic (Austria-Hungary) sponsorship, under fascism (Italy) or Nazism (Germany) or Communism (Yugoslavia) or capitalism (US, NATO, EU), the Greater Albania strategy has remained constant and unchanging for over a hundred years, thriving and evolving.

Kosova, Illirida, Chameria, and Presheva: Greater Albania

The Kosovo and Metohija regions of the Kosovo vilayet, termed Kosova in the Greater Albania lexicon, were a primary focus of the Greater Albania strategy. Many of the Albanian delegates to the Prizren League were from Kosovo and present-day Macedonia, or Illirida. Albania proper, the Scutari vilayet, was secure. The Albanian populations of the Janina vilayet in northern Greece, Chameria in the Greater Albania strategy, were too small. The Kosovo vilayet had a large enough population of Albanians, achieved through settlement and expulsion and displacement of the indigenous Serbian Orthodox populations, to warrant primary focus of the Prizren League. Western Macedonia, Illirida in the Greater Albania nomenclature, had a large Albanian population as well. Tetova or Tetovo was the main city in Illirida, the major Albanian-inhabited urban center of the Greater Albania movement in Macedonia. Because of population size, Kosova and Illirida became the focal points of the Greater Albania movement.

Macedonian Insurgency: Albanian Rebels Capture Skopje, 1912

In 1909, the Albanian population of Kosovo-Metohija revolted against increased taxation, disarmament, and a proposed census, following an Albanian congress in Debar, in present-day Macedonia, where the demands of a Greater Albania were re-iterated seeking an autonomous area made of all Albanian-inhabited regions. The Turks sent an armed force led by Djavid Pasha to suppress the insurgency. The Turkish Army suppressed the insurgents but another insurgency erupted in 1910. In 1911, the Albanians launched yet another insurgency. In August, 1912, the Albanian insurgents, composed of 15,000 guerrillas, led by Hasan Prishtina and Ismail Kemal, captured Skopje. The Albanian leaders, made up of a disparate group that included Bairam Cur, Isa Boljetinac, Riza Bey Krieziu, and Nexhib Draga, then presented their political demands to the Ottoman Turks. They demanded autonomy for the Albanian regions and cession of the Kosovo vilayet, present-day Kosovo-Metohija, and the Bitola vilayet, present-day Macedonia, into a unified, Albanian state, a Greater Albania. The principal negotiators with the Turkish government, Hasan Prishtina and Nexhib Draga, sought to resolve the conflict within the framework of the Ottoman Empire. The Turks, however, opposed an autonomous Albanian vilayet.

The Kachak Terrorist/Guerrilla Movement: Precursor of KLA/NLA/LAPMB

Following World War I, Kosovo-Metohija and present-day Macedonia (FYROM) were incorporated into Serbia, which after 1918 became part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. The name of the country was changed to Yugoslavia in 1929. The ethnic Albanian population of Kosovo-Metohija resisted this incorporation and sought union or annexation of Kosmet with Albania, creating a Greater Albania or Ethnic Albania. Armed resistance to Serbian rule resulted in the Kachak Movement ( from the Turkish kachmak, meaning ito runawayi or ito hidei). The Kachmak terrorists/guerrillas and insurgents, under the command of Mustafa Kroja and Hasan Prishtina, are the precursors, antecedents, and models for the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army, KLA, or UCK (Ushtria Clirimtare E Kosoves, in Albanian), the National Liberation Army, NLA, and the now defunct Liberation Army of Presevo, Medvedja, and Bujanovac, LAPMB. The Kachak Movement was coordinated by the Albanian kosovo.netmittee led by Bajram Curi and aided by Italy whose key objective was ito persuade the international community to agree to Kosovo being annexed to Albania.i Albanian and Italian propaganda termed the Kachak guerrilla movement a inational-liberationi movement. The Serbian regime termed the Greater Albania movement one conducted by outlaws and bandits, what would be termed iterroristsi in the contemporary political lexicon. Italy was supporting the Greater Albania Movement to gain control of Albania, which it saw as a puppet and colony state. The Greater Albania ideology would give Italy entree as a colonial/imperial power in the Balkans. The Kachack guerrillas attacked and murdered government officials, police, and Serbian Orthodox civilians. The modus operandi (MO) of the Kachak insurgents of the 1920s would be identical to that of the KLA/NLA/LAPMB insurgents of the 1998-2001 period.YYThe fascist regime of Benito Mussolini directly sponsored the Greater Albania Kachak Movement, supporting their terrorist activities and donating 200,000 lira to Kroja and Prishtina, the leaders of the movement.

The Second League of Prizren, 1943

In 1941, Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini created a Greater Albania, consisting of Kosova, Kosovo-Metohija, Illirida, Western Macedonia, and territory from Montenegro. What the KLA/NLA/LAPMB seek is the re-establishment of the Greater Albanian state created by Hitler and Mussolini from 1941 to 1945.

Following the surrender of Italy in 1943, Germany re-occupied Kosovo-Metohija and sponsored Albanian nationalist and extremist groups and recruited ethnic Albanians into German units and formations. Dzafer Deva, a member of the Balli Kombetar (BK, or National Union), an Albanian nationalist organization which sought to create an ethnically pure Greater Albania, organized the Second League of Prizren on September 16, 1943, iin cooperation with the German occupation authoritiesi. The Second League of Prizren intensified its systematic efforts to ethnically cleanse Kosovo of Orthodox Serbs and Jews and other non-Albanians. Over 10,000 Kosovo Serbian Orthodox families were driven out or ethnically cleansed from Kosovo.

The Second League of Prizren and the Balli Kombetar were decisive in the creation of the 21st Waffen Gebrigs Division der SS iSkanderbegi, the Skanderbeg SS Division, which focused on the extermination of the Serbian Orthodox and Jewish populations of Kosovo and present-day Macedonia. A key base of the Skanderbeg Division was Tetova or Tetovo. The Skanderbeg Division operated within the territory of Greater Albania, which included Kosovo-Metohija, the Preshevo-Medvedja-Bujanovac area of Southern Serbia, Western Macedonia or Illirida, around the Tetovo-Gostivar-Skopje area. Before the German occupation of Macedonia, the Italian Army occupied the region with its base in Tetovo, where the Italians formed the Albanian Ljuboten fascist formation.

The German Army and the Waffen SS sought to recruit Albanian troops into the German armed forces. Heinrich Himmler, the leader of the SS, along with Hitler and Mussolini, became an ardent advocate and sponsor of Greater Albania. Himmler envisioned the formation of two Waffen SS Divisions made up of ethnic Albanians, primarily from the Kosovo and Macedonia regions. Himmler justified his advocacy of the Greater Albania cause by anthropological research which the Italians had conducted which they argued proved that the Ghegs of northern Albania were ethnically pure Aryans, members of the master race. Himmler thus wanted to incorporate the ethnically pure Aryan Albanians into the elite Waffen SS. The war ended before Himmler could form the second Albanian SS Division.

Himmler approved the formation of the Skanderbeg Waffen SS Division on April 17, 1944. Approximately 200-300 Albanian troops in the Bosnian Muslim 13th Waffen Gebrigs Division iHandzari or (iHandschari in German) were transferred to the newly forming Skanderbeg Division, which would consist of 6, 491 ethnic Albanians, two-thirds of whom were from Kosovo-Metohija. The recruits were mostly Sunni and Bektashi Muslims. German troops and NCOs were added from Austria and Germany proper to this Albanian core, making the total troop strength of the Division 8,500 to 9,000 men, a full-strength division.

The Second League of Prizren, the Balli Kombetar, and the Skanderbeg SS Division were anti-Slav, anti-Macedonian, anti-Serbian, anti-Jewish, anti-Orthodox. The Albanian nationalist groups targeted these groups for extermination and ethnic cleansing. The Skanderbeg Division occupied Western Macedonia which was part of Hitleris Greater Albania. From 1941 to 1945, Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler created a Greater Albania which included Western Macedonia.

1991 Macedonian Constitution

On September 17, 1991, the Republic of Macedonia voted for independence from Yugoslavia and seceded. A Constitution was adopted on November 17, 199. Macedonia became an independent, sovereign state, the national state of the ethnic Macedonians. In the Constitution, it is stated as follows:YYiMacedonia is established as a national state of the Macedonian people.iYThis status was based on ithe historical facti that Macedonian Slavs were the majority population who had created a national state, a iMacedonia for the Macedoniansi, a national goal from the emergence of the Krushevo Republic in 1903 to the Republic of Macedonia in Yugoslavia from 1945 to 1991.YYThe Constitution guaranteed equality for all the national minorities in the FYROM: iFull equality as citizensOis provided for Albanians, Turks, Vlachs, and Roma, and other nationalities.i The Constitution guarantees human rights, icitizenis freedomsi and ethnic equality. The Constitution also established ithe rule of lawi as ia fundamental system of government.i Social and economic equality were guaranteed with ithe provision of social justice, economic well-being and prosperity in the life of the individual and the community.i Under Article 9 in Basic Freedoms and Rights, the equality of all Macedonian citizens is guaranteed: iAll citizens are equal before the Constitution and law.i Article 10 prohibits the death penalty, reflecting the trend against capital punishment, regarded by jurists as a barbaric anachronism with no proven deterrent impact/effect. In this regard, the Macedonian Constitution is more protective of human rights than the US Constitution, which allows capital punishment. The US and China execute the most prisoners each year. The Macedonian Constitution guarantees equal access to education and health care. Equality is thus guaranteed for the national minorities.

But why do the NLA/KLA terrorists/insurgents want to change the Constitution by force and intimidation when democratic processes, procedures, and mechanisms are available? Is the murder and mutilation of Macedonian soldiers and police the only way to change the Constitution of the FYROM of Macedonia? Is the invasion and occupation of the territory of Macedonia by an armed rebel group the only mechanism by which to make changes in the Constitution? Is this the legitimate and accepted method and mechanism by which changes in constitutions are made? Is this how changes in the US Constitution occur?

The Macedonian Constitution itself provides a procedure for changing the Constitution under Article 130 in Section VIII, Changes in the Constitution.YYThe President of the Republic, the Government itself, a minimum of 30 Representatives of the Macedonian Assembly, or 150,000 Macedonian citizens can make a proposal to initiate a change in the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia.YYA two-thirds majority vote by the Assembly of Representatives can initiate a change in the Constitution while a two-thirds vote by the Assembly can change the Constitution. Thus, democratic, peaceful procedures exist and are explicitly outlined in the Macedonian Constitution itself? Why doesnit the Western media reveal this? Why does the Western media repeat ad nauseam in every news report on Macedonia that the KLA/NLA terrorists/insurgents are fighting for igreater rightsi when the Albanian minority can follow legal, democratic procedures to obtain igreater rightsi in the Constitution? Why the infowar and propaganda embed in every news report? Is it to manipulate? Is it to cover up the fact that the Albanian minority can change the Constitution by democratic and peaceful means? Is it to cover-up the fact that the massacre and mutilation of innocent Macedonian police and soldiers is not necessary? Are NATO governments/media covering up the fact that legal procedures exist for obtaining igreater rightsi? Albanian propaganda iclaimsi that ethnic Albanians are 40% of the population. But then why doesnit this large population seek to change the constitution through its elected Representatives? At least 30 Representatives is all that is required to make a proposal to change the Constitution. Why canit 150,000 ethnic Albanian citizens of FYROM of Macedonia petition for a change in the Constitution, as they are legally allowed to do? Why do they instead lobby US political leaders and former leaders such as Joseph DioGuardia and Joseph Biden and Robert Dole? Why donit they lobby their own elected political Representatives in Macedonia? Moreover, why didnit the ethnic Albanian population do this in Kosovo? Obviously the Albanians have no interest in democracy and in democratic procedures. That is why there is a need for a so-called insurgency. That is why we have a propaganda campaign and an infowar. That is why we have infowar embeds and planting. The picture becomes all too clear.

Census Data for Macedonia

The propaganda/information technology embed in every so-called Western news report mentions that iethnic Albaniansi make up ia third of the populationi of the FYROM or in some reports, iover a third of the populationi. This media embed mirrors the Albanian propaganda line of the Albanian lobby in the US and their sponsors/backers. The National Albanian American Council (NAAC) iclaimsi that Albanians make up from i33 to 40%i of the population in Macedonia. But this claim is based on propaganda,YYnot on any factual data or census results. In 1991, the Macedonian Government conducted an official nation-wide census. The Albanian minority boycotted the census. They did this based on the Kosovo/Kosova model or blueprint. In Kosovo, Albanian separatists had boycotted elections, the census, universities, Yugoslav political institutions. Albanian secessionists, instead, created parallel institutions. These separatist procedures created de facto iindependencei and de facto secession/partition. Similarly, in Macedonia, boycotting the census created de facto iindependencei and de facto partition of the populations. An accurate census would be deleterious to Albanian separatist propaganda. How can they then claim that they are 40% of the population?

The 1991 Macedonian Census found that there was a total Macedonian population of 2,033,964. Macedonians were 67% of the total population, or 1,328,187. Albanians were 21.7% of the population, or 441,987. The Serbian Orthodox population was 2.1%, or 42,775. In 1994, due to Albanian pressure, the EU conducted a second census under the auspices of the iinternational communityi. The EU Census as demanded by the Albanians yielded essentially the same results. The EU Census determined that the total Macedonian population was 1,936,877. Macedonians were found to make up 66.5% of the total population, or 1,288,330. Albanians were 22.9% of the population, or 442,914. The Serbian Orthodox population was 2.0%, or 39,260. The CIA World Factbook for Macedonia presents population statistics for FYROM based on July, 2000 CIA estimates. The CIA determined a total Macedonian population of 2,041,467. The CIA relied on the 1994 EU international community census for the following figures for ethnic groups: Macedonians make up 66.6%, Albanians make up 22.7%, and the Orthodox Serbian population makes up 2.1% of the total population. The CIA reports a population growth rate for Macedonia of 0.04%. With the given growth rate for population, these population figures and proportions have not changed much in the last 10 years but in fact are static. But then where does the media derive its population figures that Albanians make up ia third of the populationi of the FYROM? The most the Albanians make up is 22.7%? A third is 33 and 1/3%. How does the media account for the 10% increase in population? Where did all these Albanians come from? Does our media know more than our intelligence agency, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)? Why doesnit the media obtain its population figures from census data and from the CIA information? Why does our ifreei and iindependenti media rely on propaganda embeds in every news report? Is it that difficult to check population statistics? The CIA Factbook also determined that the Macedonian language is spoken by 70% of the population, Albanian by 21%, and Serbian by 3%. The CIA referred to Macedonia as an iemerging democracyi with a 35% unemployment rate based on 1999 estimates by the CIA. FYROM received $10.5 million in economic aid from Taiwan and the EU gave $100 million to FYROM to be split with Albania. Under Illicit Drugs, the CIA noted that the FYROM is an iincreasing transshipment point for Southwest Asian heroin and hashish.i The CIA noted that iAlbanians claim discrimination in education, access to public-sector jobs, and representation in government.i The CIA World Factbook for Macedonia found sources of instability as follows:YYiFYROMis large Albanian minority and the de facto independence of neighboring Kosovo continue to be sources of ethnic tension.i The NATO occupation of Kosovo then has resulted in instability in Macedonia, according to the CIA. NATO rationalized and sanctioned the illegal bombing of Yugoslavia and the NATO occupation of Kosovo on the premise that stability and peace would result in the Balkans. The CIA, however, concluded that the opposite has resulted, instability and the potential for conflict. The CIA, moreover, continues to refer to Yugoslavia as iSerbia and Montenegroi and the CIA media/propaganda/information outlet, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) refers to Kosovo as iKosovai (the Albanian form of the Serbian word). If Kosovo has de facto independence, based on the CIA assertion, that would violate United Nations Resolutions that set guidelines for the NATO military occupation. The CIA makes the following comment: iNote: Democratic Party for Albanians (DPA), which is now a member of the government, is calling for a rewrite of the constitution to declare ethnic Albanians a national group and allow for regional autonomy.i In other words, the DPA demands the federalization plan, the plan of partition and the dismemberment and dismantling of the Macedonian state. The CIA knows what the NLA iinsurgencyi is all about. The CIA doesnit need four contradictory explanations in the media and embeds and planting.

What are the NLA demands in Macedonia? What do they want? What does the Albanian lobby in the US demand? The National American Albanian Council stated that ithe fundamental problem in Macedonia is the view thereOthat Macedonia is a state of Slavic Macedonians.iYYWhat does this mean? Again, it is the federalization plan, the partition plan. In practical terms, it means de facto secession and independence but disguised through information technology. Conceptually, it is a reductio ad absurdum. Most importantly and glaringly, it is a sanctioning of ethnic secession and partition, the very thing that was so vehemently opposed by the iinternational communityi in Bosnia and in Krajina. The NAAC, the DPA, and the NLA/KLA/NLAPMB are in agreement that Macedonia should be dismembered and partitioned between the Slavs and the Albanians. This is in a nutshell all that one needs to know about the Macedonian conflict. This is what the infowar and media propaganda by AP, Reuters, CNN, BBC, ITN, NPR, ABC, CBS, NBC, CBC, ITN, is meant to conceal and camouflage. The NAAC claimed that there was isystematici, iinstitutionalized discriminationi in Macedonia against ethnic Albanians. But the Macedonian Constitution establishes equality for all citizens and a democratic, legal process and procedures for redress of grievances and changes in the Constitution. The NAAC maintained that Albanians make up 33-40% of the population, while ethnic Macedonians make up ionly slightly over 50 per centi of the population. There is no factual or objective basis for these fabrications and falsifications. Is it that difficult to obtain accurate census data? The NAAC maintained that there were ibad roads, poor healthi facilities in Albanian areas. But why donit they address these issues through the legal and democratic procedures established in the FYROM Constitution? Why donit they interact with their political representatives in Macedonia, not political leaders and lobbies in the US, Germany, Switzerland and Albania? Will invading a sovereign nation and butchering and mutilating its police and soldiers and occupying its towns and villages bring about a redress of political grievances? Is that the accepted procedure? The NAAC demands that Albanian be an official language of Macedonia and that Albanians become iequal citizensi? Again, under the Constitution, language rights are protected and guaranteed. What the NAAC demands is in fact federalization, partition. When the rhetoric and propaganda is deconstructed and analyzed, the Albanian demands amount to the establishment of the federalization plan, or ethnic partition of the FYROM of Macedonia into a Slav and Albanian component. The modus operandi or MO is identical to that employed during the Kosovo conflict or iinsurgencyi.

NATO Intervention in Macedonia?

The reason why the NLA, and earlier the KLA/NLAPMB, opposes a democratic and peaceful change of the FYROM Constitution through legal and constitutional procedures and processes is because the agenda of Albanian iinsurgencyi in Macedonia is separatism or partition, not igreater rightsi or iequal rightsi as maintained in the propaganda embeds of Western media. Separatism and partition will result in the destruction and dismemberment of the Macedonian state. The only way the NLA can achieve separatism/partition in the FYROM is by applying the Kosovo paradigm or blueprint, the Rambouillet scenario, the international imediationi plan of resolution of the conflict. What is the Kosovo paradigm? Cause a civil war with NATO collusion and assistance and then have NATO reluctantly intervene militarily to re-establish stability/peace. NATO intervention has been the goal of the NLA/KLA/NLAPMB terrorist insurgency since the start of the
terrorist/secessionist/separatist war by Albanian insurgents/terrorists in 1998 in Kosovo. The strategy all along was very simple: Induce NATO to intervene to prevent a humanitarian disaster/catastrophe, to prevent genocide/ethnic cleansing, to bring peace/stability to the Balkans. Military intervention benefited the expansionist agendas of both NATO/US and Albanian separatists/secessionists. This was the goal of the Islamic ultra-nationalist regime of Islamist Alija Izetbegovic in Bosnia during the civil war. The only way the Bosnian regime, and its NATO/US sponsors, could induce military intervention was to mischaracterize the three-way civil war, where each side was protecting its own national interests, through media disinformation and propaganda as a humanitarian crisis. Once the US government gave the green light, the media went into a feeding frenzy, presenting manufactured and bogus images of refugees, concentration/death camps, massacres, ethnic cleansing, and genocide. Boutros Boutros Ghali, UN Secretary General, dismissed Bosnia as a irich manis wari and noted that there were at least a dozen places in the world where the loss of life and suffering were greater than in Bosnia. But NATO/US and the globalist ihumanitariansi and interventionists did not want to establish an iopen societyi in Rwanda or Sudan or the occupied West Bank or Gaza Strip. NATO military intervention, the new military humanism, and humanitarianism is selective, based on geo-political, economic, and military self-interest and expansionism. The same modus operandi or MO wasYYat play in Macedonia. The NLA and the Western and US media seek to induce NATO military intervention against the Macedonian iSlavsi by portraying the conflict through media propaganda, through the media of ithe free worldi, as a humanitarian crisis, a conflict about human rights, minority rights, and ethnic minority grievances. But the fact remains: NATO intervention is the ultimate objective and goal. This is the real agenda of Albanian iinsurgencyi in Macedonia. This is all they want and demand. NATO occupation of the FYROM of Macedonia to idisarmi the NLA terrorists/insurgents and to grant them amnesty will result in the de facto partition and de facto independence of Western Macedonia, Illirida in the Greater Albania ideology. NATO intervention will result in a Kosovo-style NLA takeover of Western Macedonia, establishing de facto independence. De jure independence is a formality that is superfluous like in Kosovo. The NLA wants de facto partition based on the Kosovo model. NATO intervention will accomplish this objective. The NLA cannot win any military engagement in the FYROM. Like in Kosovo, the Yugoslav police and military forces wiped out the KLA. In Bosnia, the NATO/US-supported Bosnian Muslim Army was wiped out. The NLA can wreak havoc and cause many needless deaths and much suffering, but if the FYROM mobilizes and declares war, actions opposed by NATO, the NLA too will be wiped out in time. So the NLA strategy is very simple: Cause as much havoc and carnage in Macedonia, create as much of a humanitarian disaster/catastrophe, cause a refugee crisis, so that the iinternational communityi, i.e., NATO, will intervene. NATO ireluctancei to intervene is a sham. NATO mouthpiece and front, iMr. Massacrei, William Walker, who induced NATO intervention in Kosovo based on a manufactured imassacrei, propaganda of the deed, has demanded that NATO intervene in the FYROM on the side of the NLA terrorists/insurgents. Another NATO front organization, the globalist Human Rights Watch (HRW), has begun cataloguing alleged human rights abuses of the Macedonian government. Jacques Chirac and globalist humanitarian and interventionist groups and organizations have demanded NATO intervention. This prepapres the propaganda groundwork for NATO intervention. NATO has already decided to send a 3,000 troop contingent to the FYROM and to idisarmi the terrorists/insurgents of the NLA but only following a ipeace agreementi based on the Rambouillet diktat model. In fact, NATO has already intervened in the FYROM by arming, training, and supplying the NLA directly and indirectly through MPRI, the CIA, and SAS, which is training both the NLA and Macedonian government troops, by not interdicting NLA incursions and infiltrations into the FYROM from NATO-run Kosovo at the border which NATO controls, patrolled by US, German, and British troops, by allowing KLA/KPC ireservistsi to infiltrate the FYROM from bases in Kosovo and training bases in northern Albania to reinforce the inewi KLA fighting in Macedonia. Once NATO intervenes and occupies Macedonia, the NLA will have won and will have achieved its objectives and goals, de facto partition and de facto independence/secession. End of insurgency. End of conflict. This was the scenario in Kosovo. We are seeing a repeat performance in Macedonia. The results will be the same.


Map of Greater Albania - with so called "Historical Ethnic Albania" which is not a matter of reality but a projected goal of Albanian nationalists.

Conclusion

Albanian terrorists/insurgents and guerrillas since the 1878 League of Prizren have sought to create a Greater Albania, an unchanging aim of Albanian nationalism. The First Balkan War of 1912 would lead to the emergence of an Albanian state for the first time in history. There had never been an Albanian state before 1912. The new Albanian state would consist principally of the Scutari vilayet. Illirida, western Macedonia, and Kosova, Kosovo-Metohija, would not be included in the new Albanian state. Throughout the twentieth century, Albanian nationalism and Albanian political aims in the Balkans would be guided by the Greater Albania ideology and strategy formulated by the 1878 League of Prizren, which were re-formulated by the 1943 League of Prizren.

The objective and goal of the Albanian iinsurgencyi or terrorist war in Macedonia is to implement the federalization plan, the partition of Macedonia into Albanian and Slav federal units. The federalization plan demanded by the NLA would result in de facto independence/secession/partition of Macedonia. The federalization plan is modeled on the Kosovo paradigm or blueprint. NATO military intervention and occupation of Macedonia are integral parts of the NLA strategy. NATO intervention is required to establish de facto partition and federalization. The model is Kosovo. With NATO intervention, the NLA which achieve its objective to establish not igreater rightsi, but a Greater Albania, the goal and objective of the Albanian nationalist agenda for over a century.


Monastery under occupation
Matejce Monastery built by Serbian kings in the Middle Ages (today Macedonia)
still under the ocupation of Albanian terrorists. The interior of this monastery has been completely burned and medieval frescoes destroyed